War of the Apes: Chimpanzee Civil War and the Evolution of Conflict

Conflict and civil war have been an ever-constant presence in humanity, but they are not uniquely human phenomena. For the first time, researchers have described in detail the way that a chimpanzee group fissioned—or split—into two groups. Notably, the members of one group then began to violently attack the other group, killing chimpanzees that had been their groupmates only a few years ago.

Some background: conflict and warfare in animals

Human warfare is driven by a variety of factors, including our ability to readily develop cultural groups that then form strong ingroup attachments and outgroup hostility (Efferson et al., 2008). In other words, we readily form groups and show favoritism towards people who we consider to be also in the same group, while we are much less favorable towards people who we view as not in the group. Cultural differences can then become a driver of conflict.

However, culture—language, social norms, ethnicity, religion, ideology, etc.—are distinctively human concepts. Nonhuman animals that also live in social groups, such as lions and wolves, can also have lethal, humanlike “wars” over issues like territory (Mosser & Packer, 2009; Cubaynes et al., 2014). Such animals notably do not have cultural markers in the same way humans do, and their conflicts are definitively driven by other factors, which can provide some insight into how group conflicts have evolved.

But what about conflict that emerges from within a group? Somehow, ingroup morphs into outgroup. This happens in humans, but social animals can also experience permanent divisions in their groups, where the original group splinters into two distinct groups. Those divisions often occur mainly because of environmental reasons, such as competition over food, and the two groups formed after the split typically do not attack and kill each other (Sandel et al., 2026).

One notable exception to this is a group of chimpanzees at Gombe, Tanzania, which permanently split into two groups in the 1970s. Males from one group, over the course of four years, killed all six males and one female in the other group. This is exceedingly rare—estimated to only occur roughly once every 500 years—and exactly how and why it happened is unclear: researchers at the time provided food to the chimpanzees, and certain details of the split are unclear due to their limited observations of the primates (Langergraber et al., 2014; Sandel et al., 2026).

Chimp civil war

Chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes), along with bonobos (Pan paniscus), are the closest animal relatives we humans have. Chimpanzees live in social groups, with males staying in the same social group for their entire lives, occasionally venturing out to attack other groups and expand their own territory (Mitani et al., 2010). Male chimpanzees mainly attack and kill male chimpanzees in other groups, but lethal violence can also erupt between chimpanzees in the same group, as seen with the Gombe group (Wilson et al., 2014). As such, studying their social behaviors may lend insight into our own.

In their study published in 2026, Aaron Sandel and colleagues analyzed data from a group of over 200 chimpanzees, known as the Ngogo chimpanzees, in Kibale National Park, Uganda. Starting from 1998, the researchers tracked the movements of the Ngogo chimpanzees by recording the interactions the of the adult male chimpanzees of the group. Initially, from 1998 until 2014, the Ngogo chimpanzees were one cohesive group, with chimpanzees living, patrolling, feeding, and mating together. Subgroups of the main group existed, with a Western cluster and a Central cluster, but on average every year, almost a third of the chimpanzees would switch between the clusters, and almost half the infants conceived were by chimpanzees from different clusters.

But this began to change in 2015, which would be the first sign of the fission of the Ngogo group. The group suddenly began to polarize. Chimpanzees in the Western cluster interacted more with each other and less with chimpanzees in the Central cluster, and vice versa. The clusters also increasingly stayed in only their region of the territory and began actively avoiding each other. After this year, infants were also only conceived by males and females in the same group.

In 2016, the two clusters began to patrol their own territories, guarding against the other group, and in 2017, the two groups had increasingly hostile and violent encounters. In 2018, Ngogo chimpanzees permanently split into two groups, the Western group and the Central group.

After this fission, despite consisting of less individuals, the Western group would regularly perform territorial patrols into the Central group’s territory, killing at least six adult males. In 2021, the Western group also started attacking infants, killing at least 14.

It’s worth mentioning again that only a few years ago, these chimpanzees were all members of one cohesive group. This is emphasized in this one example highlighted by the researchers. In 2015, a group of Ngogo males, including three future Western males and one future Central male, patrolled together and showed friendly social interactions, such as embracing each other for reassurance. In 2019, a group of Western males, including the same three males, attacked and killed the Central male that they patrolled with less than 4 years prior.

Why did this happen?

The researchers proposed a few reasons why this fission happened.

First, the original Ngogo group consisted of almost 200 individuals, and many males. With this large group, maintaining relationships with all the other chimpanzees in the group is impossible, and the large number of males in the group (30) meant that there was increased competition between the male chimpanzees.

Additionally, a new alpha male rose to power in the group in 2015, at the same time the group began to polarize. Although both the previous alpha male and the new alpha male were part of the Central group, this change could have increased the instability and tension of the group.

Lastly, the split may have been caused in part by deaths of certain chimpanzees who acted as important nodes in the network of relationships in the group. The deaths of those chimps may have weakened relationships across the group and facilitated the fission. For example, in 2014, just before the beginning of the polarization, five adult males and one adult female died. In 2017, as the group was already beginning to divide, 25 chimpanzees in the group died in an epidemic, including an adult male that was one of the last individuals that connected the two groups. The deaths of these individuals could have weakened the relationships between the two clusters, effectively helping cleave the original Ngogo group into the Central and Western group.

What does this mean?

According to the researchers, this violence is notable because it shows us how aggression and group identity forms in chimpanzees and how group conflicts develop in the absence of cultural factors.

Typically, as male chimpanzees stay in the same group their entire lives, they behave aggressively towards strangers. However, as the attacks described were towards chimpanzees they already knew, it shows that group identity in chimpanzees can be flexible and is controlled by other factors, beyond just familiarity.

This study also describes how relationship dynamics can play a major role in group conflicts. Although not to the scale of human wars, this “civil war” between the Ngogo chimpanzees shows how a major group conflict can stem from the dissolution of relationships between individuals. If the right (or rather wrong) relationships are broken, the unity of a group may also soon be in jeopardy, even without cultural factors like ethnicity and religion.

The fission of the Ngogo chimpanzees can feel like an omen of our future as humans, forever violent and marked by splintering factions. But it’s worth remembering that we humans are capable of violence but also of empathy. Even comparatively violent, conflict-prone chimpanzees show empathetic actions. Chimpanzee bystanders of a fight will go to comfort the losing chimp afterwards, and chimps can also show reconciliatory behaviors after a fight, such as holding hands, embracing, or kissing (De Waal, 2012; De Waal, 2000).

As James Brooks notes in his 2026 perspective article on the study, we can also turn to look at our other, equally close great ape relative, the bonobo. Once thought to be a subspecies of chimpanzees, bonobos are much more peaceful: even though bonobos live in social groups, the groups do not violently interact. Bonobos not only form cooperative relationships within their own groups but also with individuals from other groups (Samuni & Surbeck, 2023). Lastly, even though bonobo groups can permanently split, it doesn’t result in the violence seen in the Ngogo fission. A group of bonobos in Wamba, Democratic Republic of the Congo permanently split almost 50 years ago, but continue to peacefully coexist (Brooks, 2026; Kuroda, 2023).

Overall, this study shows that conflict emerges even in the absence of cultural markers—instead, a key factor of group conflict might lie in the way social relationships form, are maintained, and break down. As such, this can also be reversed, as those basic social processes might also be a way to approach conflict resolution. By better understanding the way in which a group splits into warring factions, we can also make headway into understanding how to prevent and resolve such instances from occurring in ourselves.

Indeed, as the researchers state in the closing of their paper, “it may be in the small, daily acts of reconciliation and reunion between individuals that we find opportunities for peace.”

Writing by Joyce Ma

Picture by © Giles Laurent, gileslaurent.com, License CC BY-SA, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=134376811

 

References

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Cubaynes, S., MacNulty, D. R., Stahler, D. R., Quimby, K. A., Smith, D. W., & Coulson, T. (2014). Density‐dependent intraspecific aggression regulates survival in northern Yellowstone wolves (Canis lupus). Journal of Animal Ecology, 83(6), 1344–1356. https://doi.org/10.1111/1365-2656.12238

De Waal, F. B. M. (2000). Primates–A natural heritage of conflict resolution. Science, 289(5479), 586–590. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.289.5479.586

De Waal, F. B. M. (2012). The antiquity of empathy. Science, 336(6083), 874–876. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1220999

Efferson, C., Lalive, R., & Fehr, E. (2008). The coevolution of cultural groups and ingroup favoritism. Science, 321(5897), 1844–1849. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1155805

Kuroda, S. (2023). From the Early Days of Bonobo Research. In Bonobos and People at Wamba: 50 Years of Research (pp. 25–37). https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4788-1_2

Langergraber, K. E., Rowney, C., Schubert, G., Crockford, C., Hobaiter, C., Wittig, R., Wrangham, R. W., Zuberbühler, K., & Vigilant, L. (2014). How old are chimpanzee communities? Time to the most recent common ancestor of the Y-chromosome in highly patrilocal societies. Journal of Human Evolution, 69, 1–7. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2013.12.005

Mitani, J. C., Watts, D. P., & Amsler, S. J. (2010). Lethal intergroup aggression leads to territorial expansion in wild chimpanzees. Current Biology, 20(12), R507–R508. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2010.04.021

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Samuni, L., & Surbeck, M. (2023). Cooperation across social borders in bonobos. Science, 382(6672), 805–809. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adg0844

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  Timothy Durham was convicted of rape when a test showed his DNA genotype matched the DNA recovered from the crime scene. Eye witnesses testified that Durham was in a different state at the time of the incident, but he wasn’t exonerated from his 3000 year sentence until follow up DNA analysis showed that the preliminary forensic analysis used in the trial was misinterpreted (Thomas et al.). DNA testing serves an invaluable part in our criminal justice system, but it comes with complications and bias that can lead to wrongful convictions and misinformed juries.  

Background:

Forensic genetics aims to identify the origin of a biological sample. It can be traced back to Karl Landsteiner who discovered human ABO blood groups. With blood groups, suspects could be eliminated based on their blood type. For example, if a suspect had type A blood and there was type B blood left at the scene by the perpetrator, the investigators could rule out the suspect. Unfortunately, the reverse didn’t work. If the suspect and perpetrator both had the same blood type, it can’t be concluded that the suspect was guilty. Blood identifiers evolved into 8 distinct categories which improved the ability to eliminate suspects, but could only conclude that (if the system matched) it might be the perpetrator or this person might be related to the perpetrator (Jobling and Gill). The field evolved in the 1980s with the discovery of Minisatellites, lines of repetitive DNA that don’t encode proteins. Minisatellite patterns in DNA create what we know today as the DNA fingerprint, and it has a much higher accuracy rate than previous methods (Augustyn et al.). Around the same time, a breakthrough for victims of sexual assault was discovered. In the case of assault, bodily fluids of both the victim and the assaulter can get mixed. A process called differential lysis was created which could selectively increase the concentration of sperm in a fluid sample thereby allowing for accurate DNA testing (Jobling and Gill). Forensics evolved to use single-locus probe testing after several years because of its ease of interpretation. It looked at specific minisatellites that had high variability between subjects. This was the first DNA-based method to be used in a criminal investigation. Two murder homicides from several years apart were connected using DNA evidence. The evidence was then used to exonerate an innocent man, and the guilty party was found when he tried to evade mandatory DNA testing for all men in the small town. His guilt was then reinforced when the DNA profiles matched, and he gave a confession (Jobling and Gill). Finding DNA at a crime scene doesn’t guarantee that you’ll find a murderer. There are issues with non-pure samples and limited samples that make DNA work difficult, and accreditation of facilities and new techniques and take time (Jobling and Gill).  

Subjectivity of DNA Interpretation:

In a 2009 publication, the National Academy of Science discusses the possibility for subjective influence in lab based forensics. The interpretation bias happens in complex cases where, for example, there could be a mixture of DNA. A study published in 2011 looked specifically at this issue. A gang rape happened in Georgia, and the mixture in DNA from the case was used to prosecute one suspect after another suspect took a plea bargain to testify against him. With DNA mixtures, there are three possible conclusions: suspect excluded, suspect cannot be excluded, and inconclusive. If the suspect is excluded, it means that there’s little to no possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. If the suspect cannot be excluded, it means that there’s a possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. In the trial, the DNA examiners who knew the context of the case concluded that the suspect being prosecuted could not be excluded. The 2011 study gave the DNA evidence from this case and the DNA profiles of the suspects to 17 forensic examiners. These examiners had no context of the case, and they all worked independently. Of the 17, only 1 came to the same conclusion (suspect cannot be excluded) as the examiners who knew the context of the case. Twelve of the 17 concluded that the suspect who was prosecuted and convicted had no relation to the DNA found in the sample. Not only does this show that subjectivity occurs due to the context of the case, but the 17 examiners came up with different findings based on their past experiences meaning that not all DNA analysis is objective. Some organizations like the Scientific Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods say that quantitative statistical evidence should be presented with every categorical conclusion, but the US doesn’t require this (Dror and Hampikian).

False Positives:

There are two categories that cause wrongful identification in a DNA report: coincidental matches and false positives. Coincidental matches are DNA matches between two unrelated people. The probability of these matches is about 1 to 500,000 for white individuals and about 1 to 350,000 for black individuals. This small probability of coincidental matches makes people feel confident in DNA evidence. False positives, on the other hand, are matches between DNA and test DNA that result from issues in the forensics lab. There have been multiple cases of forensics labs accidentally switching victim and suspected rapist DNA which lead to convictions that were later overturned when the lab realized the error. There are also cases of misreading or misunderstanding a sample. In a case from 1993, a man was convicted of rape because someone interpreted a mixed sample of victim and perpetrator DNA as an individual sample. The conviction was again overturned. To prevent false convictions, retesting DNA is allowed, but it’s not an efficient solution. Many people are pushing for statistical information on the probability of false positives, so that the jurors can make accurate judgements based on DNA evidence (Thomas et al.).  

Conclusion:

DNA analysis is a useful tool for the criminal justice system, but subjectivity can be an issue in forensic testing. To combat wrongful convictions, there are organizations like The Innocence Project who use DNA testing to free the innocent, but reformed forensic testing standards should be put in place to prevent subjectivity and to ensure juries are correctly informed during trials. https://www.innocenceproject.org/    

Citation:

Augustyn , Adam, et al. “DNA Finerprinting.” Encyclopedia Britannica , 26 Apr. 2018, www.britannica.com/science/DNA-fingerprinting#ref153186. Dror, Itiel E., and Greg Hampikian. “Subjectivity and Bias in Forensic DNA Mixture Interpretation.” Science & Justice, vol. 51, no. 4, 2011, pp. 204–208., doi:10.1016/j.scijus.2011.08.004. Jobling, Mark A., and Peter Gill. “Encoded Evidence: DNA in Forensic Analysis.” Nature Reviews: Genetics, vol. 5, no. 10, Oct. 2004, pp. 739–751., doi:10.1038/nrg1455. Thompson, William C, et al. “How the Probability of a False Positive Affects the Value of DNA Evidence.” Journal of Forensic Sciences, vol. 48, no. 1, Jan. 2003, pp. 1–8., doi:10.1520/jfs2001171.