What makes a figure interpretable?

Science communication is an often-overlooked but very important part of furthering the scientific process, and both researchers and publishers often use graphical means to display experimental results and data through figures, as presenting data this way is considered standard within reporting results and finding as it is easily interpretable for a vast array of audiences. However, as a neuroscience student, both involved with research in a computational cognition and neuroAI lab and involved with STEM communication as a communications assistant for an institutional research institute, an interesting nuance to researchers’ use of graphs and figures to portray their results, both statistically, as the results of an experimental analysis, and methodologically, which shows their experimental process, is that while we think that we know what cognitive mechanisms people are using while interpreting these figures, in reality, the neural mechanisms are, for the most part, completely unexplored.

Inherently, almost anyone that you ask would believe that graph and figure comprehension is a visual task; however, research as recent as 2023 published by the National Eye Institute has shown that this might not be as true a heuristic – a mental shortcut or “cheat” that makes solving a problem easier – as initially thought. The National Eye Institute’s research showed that connections to the first region of the brain where visual information is processed, the primary visual cortex (V1), are rather small, accounting for between only 2 and 10 percent of neural connections that would be thought to inform us as to what we are perceiving. This is really interesting from a systems perspective in neuroscience, as this implies that what we are seeing only accounts for a relatively small portion of what we perceive. Therefore, in terms of graph and figure comprehension, the vast majority of neural connections are from other, non-visual,  regions of the brain, leading us to believe that our cognitive processing of graphs is largely a top-down process; a process where our understanding is heavily biased by prior experience and not what we are seeing in the moment.

From our understanding of the cognitive processes of how we interpret graphs and figures, many different brain regions could theoretically be responsible for this task; until neuroimaging research is done, we will never know for certain. However, one region of the brain that is non-visual and could be responsible for and contribute to our ability to understand information embedded within graphs is the language network and its associated regions. The language network is a portion of the brain made up of many distinct regions, such as Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas, which are commonly known to be involved with speech generation and understanding, respectively, that neuroscientists know contribute to our linguistic abilities. This region of the brain, along with other associated regions such as the cerebral cortex, suggested by some recent research in the context of semantics (Ivanova et. al., 2025), might play a large role in our ability to understand and interpret graphs and figures.

Additionally, research that has looked at large language models (LLMs), a form of artificial neural networks loosely modeled after how researchers understand the nervous system to process language, has interestingly shown that while really bad at processing graphs and figures, LLMs do technically use language to interpret and draw conclusions as to what they are looking at and pull from prior experience and reinforcement learning (Wang 2025).

Overall, because of this, I believe that our ability to process and understand graphs and figures would rely on another cognitive mechanism, such as language or semantics, for example, where we can “think through” and connect what we are observing in a figure to information that we already know – so this inherent visual task, may not be as much about seeing, as it is about knowing. In general, rephrasing this question to What is the neural basis of data visualization comprehension? to explore The Semantics of Data Visualization is a really interesting idea that sits at the intersection of computational cognition, neuroAI, and STEM communication.  

 

References

Ivanova, A. A., Kauf, C., Gao, R., She, J. S., Kean, H. H., Goldhaber, T., Nieto-Castañón, A., Varley, R., Kanwisher, N., & Fedorenko, E. (2025). Semantic reasoning takes place largely outside the language network (Version 1) [Preprint]. bioRxiv. https://doi.org/10.64898/2025.12.07.692873

National Eye Institute. (2023). Sparse, small, but diverse neural connections help make perception reliable, efficient. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institutes of Health. 

Wang, H. W., Wang, Z., Xu, Y., Chen, Z., Wu, Y., Qu, H., & Hullman, J. (2025). How aligned are human chart takeaways and LLM-generated insights? IEEE Transactions on Visualization and Computer Graphics. https://doi.org/10.1109/TVCG.2024.10681139

 

Your journey starts here! Let’s talk!

ThemeRex © 2026. All rights reserved.
  Timothy Durham was convicted of rape when a test showed his DNA genotype matched the DNA recovered from the crime scene. Eye witnesses testified that Durham was in a different state at the time of the incident, but he wasn’t exonerated from his 3000 year sentence until follow up DNA analysis showed that the preliminary forensic analysis used in the trial was misinterpreted (Thomas et al.). DNA testing serves an invaluable part in our criminal justice system, but it comes with complications and bias that can lead to wrongful convictions and misinformed juries.  

Background:

Forensic genetics aims to identify the origin of a biological sample. It can be traced back to Karl Landsteiner who discovered human ABO blood groups. With blood groups, suspects could be eliminated based on their blood type. For example, if a suspect had type A blood and there was type B blood left at the scene by the perpetrator, the investigators could rule out the suspect. Unfortunately, the reverse didn’t work. If the suspect and perpetrator both had the same blood type, it can’t be concluded that the suspect was guilty. Blood identifiers evolved into 8 distinct categories which improved the ability to eliminate suspects, but could only conclude that (if the system matched) it might be the perpetrator or this person might be related to the perpetrator (Jobling and Gill). The field evolved in the 1980s with the discovery of Minisatellites, lines of repetitive DNA that don’t encode proteins. Minisatellite patterns in DNA create what we know today as the DNA fingerprint, and it has a much higher accuracy rate than previous methods (Augustyn et al.). Around the same time, a breakthrough for victims of sexual assault was discovered. In the case of assault, bodily fluids of both the victim and the assaulter can get mixed. A process called differential lysis was created which could selectively increase the concentration of sperm in a fluid sample thereby allowing for accurate DNA testing (Jobling and Gill). Forensics evolved to use single-locus probe testing after several years because of its ease of interpretation. It looked at specific minisatellites that had high variability between subjects. This was the first DNA-based method to be used in a criminal investigation. Two murder homicides from several years apart were connected using DNA evidence. The evidence was then used to exonerate an innocent man, and the guilty party was found when he tried to evade mandatory DNA testing for all men in the small town. His guilt was then reinforced when the DNA profiles matched, and he gave a confession (Jobling and Gill). Finding DNA at a crime scene doesn’t guarantee that you’ll find a murderer. There are issues with non-pure samples and limited samples that make DNA work difficult, and accreditation of facilities and new techniques and take time (Jobling and Gill).  

Subjectivity of DNA Interpretation:

In a 2009 publication, the National Academy of Science discusses the possibility for subjective influence in lab based forensics. The interpretation bias happens in complex cases where, for example, there could be a mixture of DNA. A study published in 2011 looked specifically at this issue. A gang rape happened in Georgia, and the mixture in DNA from the case was used to prosecute one suspect after another suspect took a plea bargain to testify against him. With DNA mixtures, there are three possible conclusions: suspect excluded, suspect cannot be excluded, and inconclusive. If the suspect is excluded, it means that there’s little to no possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. If the suspect cannot be excluded, it means that there’s a possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. In the trial, the DNA examiners who knew the context of the case concluded that the suspect being prosecuted could not be excluded. The 2011 study gave the DNA evidence from this case and the DNA profiles of the suspects to 17 forensic examiners. These examiners had no context of the case, and they all worked independently. Of the 17, only 1 came to the same conclusion (suspect cannot be excluded) as the examiners who knew the context of the case. Twelve of the 17 concluded that the suspect who was prosecuted and convicted had no relation to the DNA found in the sample. Not only does this show that subjectivity occurs due to the context of the case, but the 17 examiners came up with different findings based on their past experiences meaning that not all DNA analysis is objective. Some organizations like the Scientific Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods say that quantitative statistical evidence should be presented with every categorical conclusion, but the US doesn’t require this (Dror and Hampikian).

False Positives:

There are two categories that cause wrongful identification in a DNA report: coincidental matches and false positives. Coincidental matches are DNA matches between two unrelated people. The probability of these matches is about 1 to 500,000 for white individuals and about 1 to 350,000 for black individuals. This small probability of coincidental matches makes people feel confident in DNA evidence. False positives, on the other hand, are matches between DNA and test DNA that result from issues in the forensics lab. There have been multiple cases of forensics labs accidentally switching victim and suspected rapist DNA which lead to convictions that were later overturned when the lab realized the error. There are also cases of misreading or misunderstanding a sample. In a case from 1993, a man was convicted of rape because someone interpreted a mixed sample of victim and perpetrator DNA as an individual sample. The conviction was again overturned. To prevent false convictions, retesting DNA is allowed, but it’s not an efficient solution. Many people are pushing for statistical information on the probability of false positives, so that the jurors can make accurate judgements based on DNA evidence (Thomas et al.).  

Conclusion:

DNA analysis is a useful tool for the criminal justice system, but subjectivity can be an issue in forensic testing. To combat wrongful convictions, there are organizations like The Innocence Project who use DNA testing to free the innocent, but reformed forensic testing standards should be put in place to prevent subjectivity and to ensure juries are correctly informed during trials. https://www.innocenceproject.org/    

Citation:

Augustyn , Adam, et al. “DNA Finerprinting.” Encyclopedia Britannica , 26 Apr. 2018, www.britannica.com/science/DNA-fingerprinting#ref153186. Dror, Itiel E., and Greg Hampikian. “Subjectivity and Bias in Forensic DNA Mixture Interpretation.” Science & Justice, vol. 51, no. 4, 2011, pp. 204–208., doi:10.1016/j.scijus.2011.08.004. Jobling, Mark A., and Peter Gill. “Encoded Evidence: DNA in Forensic Analysis.” Nature Reviews: Genetics, vol. 5, no. 10, Oct. 2004, pp. 739–751., doi:10.1038/nrg1455. Thompson, William C, et al. “How the Probability of a False Positive Affects the Value of DNA Evidence.” Journal of Forensic Sciences, vol. 48, no. 1, Jan. 2003, pp. 1–8., doi:10.1520/jfs2001171.