Bouba? Kiki? Baby Chicks Associate Sounds With Shapes

One of the chicks above is named “Bouba.” The other is named “Kiki.” Going just off of your gut intuition, which one is which?

If you answered that the left chick is “Bouba” and the right chick is “Kiki”, many people agree with you, including speakers of over 25 languages, belonging to 9 language families and 11 writings systems—a surprisingly high number, given that these are purely nonsense words (Ćwiek et al., 2021). For some reason, “bouba” is obviously round, while “kiki” is obviously spiky.

Perhaps even more astonishing is that, as discovered in a recent study by Maria Loconsole and colleagues at the University of Padova, baby chickens are among the population that agrees with you.

What is the bouba-kiki effect?

Most words have an arbitrary relationship to their meaning. Nothing about “cat” inherently refers to the feline domestic animal, and neither does 猫 (māo), बिल्ली (billi), gato, or قطة (qiṭṭa). But certain sounds seem to inherently have meaning.

First described in 1947 by Wolfgang Kölher through the nonsense words “Maluma” and “Takete”, the “bouba-kiki” phenomenon in linguistics refers to this effect (Loconsole et al., 2026). “Maluma” and “bouba” feel inherently round, while “takete” and “kiki” feel inherently sharp and spiky. This effect is common across cultures, languages, and age: even infants as young as 4 months possess this sound mapping, where certain sounds seem to inherently correspond to certain shapes (Ozturk et al., 2013). This effect is even found (to a lesser extent) in blind individuals, though a period of sight seems necessary for the effect to occur (Piller et al., 2023).

The most common explanation for the bouba-kiki effect is the way we say those syllables. When we say “bouba” and similar words, our mouths make a round shape; when we say “kiki” and similar words, our mouths make an angular shape. Our brains thus associate words that are “round” to pronounce with round shapes, and “angular” with angular shapes. Alternatively, the shape of the letters “b” and “o” are round, while the shape of the letters “k” and “i” are angular (Lockwood & Dingemanse, 2015).

However, this hypothesis is challenged by the generic shape hypothesis, which states that humans form generic associations between certain sounds and meanings. This hypothesis was proposed in a study conducted by Ananya Passi and S. P. Arun in 2019, where the bouba-kiki effect was found with unpronounceable words, and an association was even found between clear tones and shape, where higher tones were associated with angular shapes. This indicates that humans potentially form general associations between sounds and shapes, regardless of the way those sounds can be pronounced. However, the reason why those associations might be formed remains unanswered, and these studies have been restricted to humans.

Other animals have been shown to also experience some form of association between sound and another sense: for example, chimpanzees, tortoises, and dogs associate lower pitches with larger objects and higher pitches with smaller objects (Kalan et al., 2014; Korzeniowska et al., 2022; Loconsole et al., 2023). However, the bouba-kiki effect specifically has not been found to exist in other animals, even great apes, such as chimpanzees and a bonobo (Margiotoudi et al., 2019; Margiotoudi et al., 2022).

Baby chicks?

If the effect isn’t even found in our closest animal relatives, then where else can researchers look? In 2026, Loconsole and her colleagues decided to change tracks and look elsewhere. As surprising as their choice may seem, their pick of animals wasn’t arbitrary: chickens are precocial creatures, which means that they can be tested shortly after hatching, and chicks also share many cognitive mechanisms with human infants (Wood & Wood, 2021).

In the first part of the study conducted by Loconsole and her colleagues, 3-day-old chicks were trained to go around a panel depicting a shape with both spiky and round edges, with food behind the panel acting as an incentive. During the experiment, the chicks were placed in front of two panels. One of the panels displayed a round shape, and the other one displayed a spiky shape, and neither of the panels concealed food. The researchers played a recording of a human voice saying either “bouba” or “kiki” to the enclosure, and they watched to see which panel the chicks would choose.

In the second part of the experiment, 1-day-old chicks were introduced to an enclosure with a screen that once again showed a shape with both spiky and round edges, though there was no incentive. After the chicks grew accustomed to the screen, the researchers changed it up: like the first part of the experiment, the screen now showed two shapes side by side, with one jagged shape and one blobby shape. The researchers once again played either “bouba” or “kiki”, and they recorded which shape the chicks approached first, as well as which shape they spent more time exploring.

The researchers found that the 3-day-old chicks significantly preferred the panel with the round shape when hearing “bouba”, and the panel with the angular shape when hearing “kiki”. They also found the same results with the 1-day-old chicks: when “bouba” was played, the chicks first approached the round shape significantly more and spent more time exploring the round shape. The reverse was true when “kiki” was played.

What does this mean?

The study shows that this bouba-kiki effect is not learned, but rather something inherent that’s present even in the earliest stages of life. One implication of this study is that this crossmodal association, or association between different senses, plays a role in how communication develops between animals. Animals such as chickens do not have language, but they still communicate through various calls and vocalizations. Although these vocalizations aren’t necessarily directly symbolic, having these innate associations may help with future development of more complex communication.

Additionally, the findings of the study indicate that the bouba-kiki effect isn’t specific to humans or even mammals, but rather throughout all vertebrates. But how does this reconcile with past findings wherein the effect was not found in other great apes? After all, it’s rather unlikely that this association evolved separately in birds and in humans, but skipped our closest great ape relatives.

According to Loconsole and colleagues, this difference may be explained by the difference in methodology between experiments, as well as the past experience and training of the research subjects. Kanzi, the bonobo who was tested for the bouba-kiki effect, was already trained in associating sounds and shapes and was capable of correctly matching English words to pictures, which may have played a role in his choices (Loconsole et al., 2026; Margiotoudi et al., 2022).

So what do the findings of the study mean for the bouba-kiki effect and the development of human language? Does this mean that chickens are also capable of speech?

No, not really. The bouba-kiki effect is only one example of the human ability of iconicity, or the capacity to form associations between form and meaning, argue Marcus Perlman and Bodo Winter in their commentary article in response to the 2026 study. In other words, the study reveals that the effect originates further back in the tree of life, but the origins of language lie elsewhere, in a broader framework. The bouba-kiki effect may reflect one way in which human language developed through associations between senses, but humans are able to form much more complex associations in language through a combination of speech, gestures, and visual signs. As such, researchers must look at other, broader areas for more clues in their hunt for the origins of language (Perlman & Winter, 2026).

So overall, the chicks might agree with your naming of their illustrated compatriots, but unfortunately, they won’t be able to say as much in words.

Want to learn more about the bouba-kiki effect? Check out our past article on the phenomenon!

Writing and illustration by Joyce Ma

 

References

Ćwiek, A., Fuchs, S., Draxler, C., Asu, E. L., Dediu, D., Hiovain, K., Kawahara, S., Koutalidis, S., Krifka, M., Lippus, P., Lupyan, G., Oh, G. E., Paul, J., Petrone, C., Ridouane, R., Reiter, S., Schümchen, N., Szalontai, Á., Ünal-Logacev, Ö., Zeller, J., Perlman, M., Winter, B. (2021). The bouba/kiki effect is robust across cultures and writing systems. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B Biological Sciences, 377(1841), 20200390. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2020.0390

Kalan, A. K., Mundry, R., & Boesch, C. (2015). Wild chimpanzees modify food call structure with respect to tree size for a particular fruit species. Animal Behaviour, 101, 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.anbehav.2014.12.011

Korzeniowska, A. T., Simner, J., Root-Gutteridge, H., & Reby, D. (2022). High-pitch sounds small for domestic dogs: Abstract crossmodal correspondences between auditory pitch and visual size. Royal Society Open Science, 9(2), 211647. https://doi.org/10.1098/rsos.211647

Lockwood, G., & Dingemanse, M. (2015). Iconicity in the lab: A review of behavioral, developmental, and neuroimaging research into sound-symbolism. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1246. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01246

Loconsole, M., Benavides-Varela, S., & Regolin, L. (2026). Matching sounds to shapes: Evidence of the bouba-kiki effect in naïve baby chicks. Science, 391(6787), 836–839. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.adq7188

Loconsole, M., Stancher, G., & Versace, E. (2023). Crossmodal association between visual and acoustic cues in a tortoise (Testudo hermanni). Biology Letters, 19(7), 20230265. https://doi.org/10.1098/rsbl.2023.0265

Margiotoudi, K., Allritz, M., Bohn, M., & Pulvermüller, F. (2019). Sound symbolic congruency detection in humans but not in great apes. Scientific Reports, 9(1), 12705. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-49101-4

Margiotoudi, K., Bohn, M., Schwob, N., Taglialatela, J., Pulvermüller, F., Epping, A., Schweller, K., & Allritz, M. (2022). Bo-NO-bouba-kiki: Picture-word mapping but no spontaneous sound symbolic speech-shape mapping in a language trained bonobo. Proceedings of the Royal Society B Biological Sciences, 289(1968), 20211717. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2021.1717

Ozturk, O., Krehm, M., & Vouloumanos, A. (2012). Sound symbolism in infancy: Evidence for sound–shape cross-modal correspondences in 4-month-olds. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 114(2), 173–186. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jecp.2012.05.004

Passi, A., & Arun, S. P. (2022). The Bouba–Kiki effect is predicted by sound properties but not speech properties. Attention Perception & Psychophysics, 86(3), 976–990. https://doi.org/10.3758/s13414-022-02619-8

Perlman, M., & Winter, B. (2026). In search of meaning. Science, 391(6787), 762–763. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aee8641

Piller, S., Senna, I., & Ernst, M. O. (2023). Visual experience shapes the Bouba-Kiki effect and the size-weight illusion upon sight restoration from congenital blindness. Scientific Reports, 13(1), 11435. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-38486-y

Wood, S. M. W., & Wood, J. N. (2021). One-shot object parsing in newborn chicks. Journal of Experimental Psychology General, 150(11), 2408–2420. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0001043

Your journey starts here! Let’s talk!

ThemeRex © 2026. All rights reserved.
  Timothy Durham was convicted of rape when a test showed his DNA genotype matched the DNA recovered from the crime scene. Eye witnesses testified that Durham was in a different state at the time of the incident, but he wasn’t exonerated from his 3000 year sentence until follow up DNA analysis showed that the preliminary forensic analysis used in the trial was misinterpreted (Thomas et al.). DNA testing serves an invaluable part in our criminal justice system, but it comes with complications and bias that can lead to wrongful convictions and misinformed juries.  

Background:

Forensic genetics aims to identify the origin of a biological sample. It can be traced back to Karl Landsteiner who discovered human ABO blood groups. With blood groups, suspects could be eliminated based on their blood type. For example, if a suspect had type A blood and there was type B blood left at the scene by the perpetrator, the investigators could rule out the suspect. Unfortunately, the reverse didn’t work. If the suspect and perpetrator both had the same blood type, it can’t be concluded that the suspect was guilty. Blood identifiers evolved into 8 distinct categories which improved the ability to eliminate suspects, but could only conclude that (if the system matched) it might be the perpetrator or this person might be related to the perpetrator (Jobling and Gill). The field evolved in the 1980s with the discovery of Minisatellites, lines of repetitive DNA that don’t encode proteins. Minisatellite patterns in DNA create what we know today as the DNA fingerprint, and it has a much higher accuracy rate than previous methods (Augustyn et al.). Around the same time, a breakthrough for victims of sexual assault was discovered. In the case of assault, bodily fluids of both the victim and the assaulter can get mixed. A process called differential lysis was created which could selectively increase the concentration of sperm in a fluid sample thereby allowing for accurate DNA testing (Jobling and Gill). Forensics evolved to use single-locus probe testing after several years because of its ease of interpretation. It looked at specific minisatellites that had high variability between subjects. This was the first DNA-based method to be used in a criminal investigation. Two murder homicides from several years apart were connected using DNA evidence. The evidence was then used to exonerate an innocent man, and the guilty party was found when he tried to evade mandatory DNA testing for all men in the small town. His guilt was then reinforced when the DNA profiles matched, and he gave a confession (Jobling and Gill). Finding DNA at a crime scene doesn’t guarantee that you’ll find a murderer. There are issues with non-pure samples and limited samples that make DNA work difficult, and accreditation of facilities and new techniques and take time (Jobling and Gill).  

Subjectivity of DNA Interpretation:

In a 2009 publication, the National Academy of Science discusses the possibility for subjective influence in lab based forensics. The interpretation bias happens in complex cases where, for example, there could be a mixture of DNA. A study published in 2011 looked specifically at this issue. A gang rape happened in Georgia, and the mixture in DNA from the case was used to prosecute one suspect after another suspect took a plea bargain to testify against him. With DNA mixtures, there are three possible conclusions: suspect excluded, suspect cannot be excluded, and inconclusive. If the suspect is excluded, it means that there’s little to no possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. If the suspect cannot be excluded, it means that there’s a possibility that his DNA is part of the sample. In the trial, the DNA examiners who knew the context of the case concluded that the suspect being prosecuted could not be excluded. The 2011 study gave the DNA evidence from this case and the DNA profiles of the suspects to 17 forensic examiners. These examiners had no context of the case, and they all worked independently. Of the 17, only 1 came to the same conclusion (suspect cannot be excluded) as the examiners who knew the context of the case. Twelve of the 17 concluded that the suspect who was prosecuted and convicted had no relation to the DNA found in the sample. Not only does this show that subjectivity occurs due to the context of the case, but the 17 examiners came up with different findings based on their past experiences meaning that not all DNA analysis is objective. Some organizations like the Scientific Working Group on DNA Analysis Methods say that quantitative statistical evidence should be presented with every categorical conclusion, but the US doesn’t require this (Dror and Hampikian).

False Positives:

There are two categories that cause wrongful identification in a DNA report: coincidental matches and false positives. Coincidental matches are DNA matches between two unrelated people. The probability of these matches is about 1 to 500,000 for white individuals and about 1 to 350,000 for black individuals. This small probability of coincidental matches makes people feel confident in DNA evidence. False positives, on the other hand, are matches between DNA and test DNA that result from issues in the forensics lab. There have been multiple cases of forensics labs accidentally switching victim and suspected rapist DNA which lead to convictions that were later overturned when the lab realized the error. There are also cases of misreading or misunderstanding a sample. In a case from 1993, a man was convicted of rape because someone interpreted a mixed sample of victim and perpetrator DNA as an individual sample. The conviction was again overturned. To prevent false convictions, retesting DNA is allowed, but it’s not an efficient solution. Many people are pushing for statistical information on the probability of false positives, so that the jurors can make accurate judgements based on DNA evidence (Thomas et al.).  

Conclusion:

DNA analysis is a useful tool for the criminal justice system, but subjectivity can be an issue in forensic testing. To combat wrongful convictions, there are organizations like The Innocence Project who use DNA testing to free the innocent, but reformed forensic testing standards should be put in place to prevent subjectivity and to ensure juries are correctly informed during trials. https://www.innocenceproject.org/    

Citation:

Augustyn , Adam, et al. “DNA Finerprinting.” Encyclopedia Britannica , 26 Apr. 2018, www.britannica.com/science/DNA-fingerprinting#ref153186. Dror, Itiel E., and Greg Hampikian. “Subjectivity and Bias in Forensic DNA Mixture Interpretation.” Science & Justice, vol. 51, no. 4, 2011, pp. 204–208., doi:10.1016/j.scijus.2011.08.004. Jobling, Mark A., and Peter Gill. “Encoded Evidence: DNA in Forensic Analysis.” Nature Reviews: Genetics, vol. 5, no. 10, Oct. 2004, pp. 739–751., doi:10.1038/nrg1455. Thompson, William C, et al. “How the Probability of a False Positive Affects the Value of DNA Evidence.” Journal of Forensic Sciences, vol. 48, no. 1, Jan. 2003, pp. 1–8., doi:10.1520/jfs2001171.